submitted by Chris Gast, Director of Communication/Education, Right to Life of Michigan

As America’s major political parties have polarized, the issue of abortion has become more polarized. It shouldn’t surprise, because of the broader worldview assumptions underlying each position—though there are plenty of dissenters still to be found on both sides.

This polarization exists alongside the current reality that most Americans are in the “mushy middle” when it comes their abortion views. About a quarter of us believe in absolute unlimited abortion, a quarter believes in the absolute right to life of every child, and those in between are uncomfortable with abortion to varying degrees; they can’t bring themselves to totally end it or embrace it.

Pro-abortion states have recently moved aggressively to shore up their abortion laws in case Roe v. Wade is overturned—and states and voters once again can decide on abortion. They not only endorse abortion, but celebrate it. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo lit up the One World Trade Center pink to celebrate passage of their unlimited abortion bill in 2018. The symbolism is undeniable: a beacon built on the resting place of nearly 3,000 lives lost on one day in 2001 transformed into celebrating the ongoing deaths of nearly 3,000 lives every day in America’s abortion facilities.

America experiences abortion whiplash with every new federal administration. President Biden’s Food & Drug Administration is using the pandemic as an excuse to remove safety regulations on the abortion pill, allowing death to be distributed through the mail. Even though Britain’s recent experience with abortion-by-mail showed dire consequences for women’s health, nothing must stop abortions. Contrast that with President Trump’s policies, including nominating rule of law judges.

Prolife states continue to legislate against abortion at a fast pace. President Trump’s judicial nominees on the 6th U.S. Circuit just sealed a victory for Ohio, allowing them to ban abortion targeted at children with Down syndrome. Other states—including Michigan—are working on expanded versions that ban abortions targeted by race, sex, or any disability.

What will the Supreme Court do? Roe v. Wade means there is no escape valve for this pressure; one side cheated to allow 25% of the country to manufacture absolute legal dominance over the abortion issue. Sadly, the issue is seldom framed this way, because media and academia tend to side with unlimited abortion.

How long can Roe v. Wade continue to survive—after half a century of failing to manufacture the expected pro-abortion consensus?